Volume 8, Issue 3 (September 2024)

The study of Buddhism in China has often focused on the interaction between religion
and the state, but there is a need for a deeper analysis of the impact of leadership
changes on the evolution of Buddhism. This paper explores the state of Buddhism
among laypeople and the monastic community (Saṃgha) in China, analysing the
continuum of change, spanning the Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and
Xi Jinping eras. By recognising noticeable shifts during these leadership transitions,
the study employs scholarly analysis to identify a pattern of the emergence of new
classes and argues that this phenomenon is intrinsic to China’s societal dynamics. It
highlights the recurring pattern of new class formations and the strategic responses
of lay Buddhist adherents and associations. Drawing on historical and sociopolitical
contexts, the paper sheds light on the implications of these developments, emphasising
the intellectual and identity formation challenges faced by lay Buddhists and the
monastic community in this evolving landscape. The objective of this study is
to trace the patterns of change in Buddhism and identify the role of leadership
transitions in the birth of new classes within the Buddhist community. Additionally,
the study seeks to understand the ideological issues that arise from these shifts and
their impact on intellectual and identity formation. It contributes to the scholarly
discourse surrounding the ideological challenges and intellectual voids faced by the
Buddhist community, ultimately calling for a deeper understanding of Buddhism’s
evolving role in China’s complex sociopolitical landscape. To achieve these objectives,
a qualitative research approach will be employed. The study will rely on scholarly
analysis of historical and sociopolitical contexts, examining academic literature,
policy documents, and relevant sources.

History has continued to remain gender biased, a tendency which has further been
carried forward by the persisting gender inequalities in society. With the coming of
sovereignty, non-interference, the concept of nation, defined territorial boundaries,
democratic and republican institutions; when state became the regulating and
enabling agency for problem identification, ever since then, steps taken towards that
problem have largely remained the onus of state. What is welfare and what constitutes
public action has to be settled by governing agencies. Equal rights, unbiased division
of resources, and just law and order have remained a prime agenda where gender
finds a subtle mention. Gender has remained a very forceful discourse that has time
and again raised questions on existing social, political, and economic institutions that
legitimize inequality of gender, both nationally and internationally. Feminist foreign
policy is a resolve to the demands that feminists all around the world entails and
seeks to advance gender equality and support women’s rights globally. This policy
framework is shaped by the demands and objectives of feminists around the world,
which include ensuring equal representation of women in decision-making processes,
addressing gender-based violence, promoting economic and social rights for women
and ensuring accountability. This paper will follow an exploratory study to evaluate
the causes of persisting inequality and shall simultaneously focus upon existing agendas
that incorporate gender demands. The issue (question is answered, issue is resolved)
that needs to be resolved through this paper is whether India needs feminist foreign
policy? If so, then why Contemporarily given the fact that the West has dominated
the feminist foreign policy discourse, then How far would this blueprint fit into the
Indian policy perspectives and agenda setting? If not, then why not? This paper will be
a study based on qualitative methodology which will dwell its answers using primary
and secondary research methodology. It will be a descriptive and exploratory study
based on hermeneutics phenomenology. Hermeneutics phenomenology’s four step
method will be used in order to reflect upon the conclusion which might be enlisted as
under; First, naive reading of major gendered state initiatives undertaken. Second,
structural analysis of feminist foreign policy in the light of Indian Context. Third, a
comprehensive understanding of the above-mentioned research questions that needs
to be addressed using the existing literature as reviewed, and fourth, critical reflection
on the possibilities and limitations of the problem in question. Accordingly, the paper
is divided into three major sections, First, the study shall elaborate upon the context
and background, second, it shall focus upon the Indian question, and third, it shall
address it’s the viability of feminist foreign policy in the Indian context.

The return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan in August 2021 had put India in a
dilemma. This article maps the developments in Indo-Afghanistan relations since the
return of the Taliban to power, highlighting the new bonhomie building up once again
while also pointing to the shortcomings in dealing with a regime that was regarded
as a pariah for decades. India had continued to avoid them even as the US, Russia,
China, Turkey, Iran, and others established direct channels of communication in the
last decade once it became clear that they would soon have some role in the future
of Afghanistan. As the Taliban reached Kabul, New Delhi was forced to close its
Embassy and consular services abruptly. India is, however, gradually shedding its
inhibitions in dealing with the Taliban and slowly but steadily opening up to the idea
of public diplomacy. Moreover, how it deserted the Afghan people in times of crisis,
particularly those who boasted of having an all-weather friend and stopped the visa
process abruptly, has shattered to pieces the goodwill it had earned over the decades
and may not be mended as easily.
Keywords: Indo-Afghan relations,

With the reframing of the Look East Policy to Act East Policy in 2014Northeast
India has been constantly evolving. Although the Northeastern region is situated
in the most pivotal area, offering international connectivity between India and its
neighbouring ASEAN countries, the integration of the Northeastern region into
mainland India is slow and sluggish. With the Act East Policy, New Delhi aims to
bridge the gap of isolation with a primary focus on the development of its Northeast
region. This policy has ushered in the launching of various connectivity projects
where foreign players play a significant role. This paper analyses the potential and
significance of Northeast India in India’s Act East Policy and highlights the challenges
for the successful implementation of the Act East Policy.

With time, the participation and role of women is acknowledged in all aspects of the
society. Continuous initiatives are taking up from various corners to bring awareness
and encouragement of the women for their contribution, particularly in the decisionmaking
process. However, due to various historical, social, economic and political
reasons, the women could not able to have equal role and participation particularly
in the political field such as taking the position as a leader in decision making even
at the local level. A historical development for women in India with the Legislative
frameworks i.e. 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act which ensure support of women
representation with 33 percent reservation of seat for women in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions. This Act marked a significant change in the character of local governance
with the participation of women. The paper examines the women participation as
well as the Elected Women Representatives in the Panchayati Raj Institution in Lohit
District, Arunachal Pradesh. Furthermore, it discusses and examines the opinion
and experiences of Elected Women Representatives as leaders and also related to
their influence in their political life, responsibilities, issues and challenges. The paper
is based on primary data and observation of the researcher.